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Our Tinubu Has Run Away Again?

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Our Tinubu Has Run Away Again?

 

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s decision to embark on a three-week vacation abroad has triggered renewed debate over his foreign travels, with opposition politicians, civil society activists and concerned Nigerians questioning the timing of his latest absence from the country.

 

Tinubu left Abuja on Sunday, August 30, 2026, for Europe to begin what the Presidency described as his annual leave.

 

According to a statement issued by his Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, the President’s first destination was London, United Kingdom.

 

The statement said Tinubu would use the period for a working vacation and return to Nigeria after the three-week break to participate in the activities leading to the 2027 general elections.

 

However, the announcement came at a politically sensitive period, with Nigeria facing renewed security concerns, economic pressures and an increasingly competitive political environment ahead of the 2027 elections.

 

The timing has consequently revived questions that have followed the President throughout his administration: How often has Tinubu travelled abroad since assuming office, how much time has he spent outside Nigeria and have the trips produced sufficient benefits to justify the criticisms surrounding them?

 

51 foreign trips in three years

 

Tinubu’s foreign travel record has become a recurring subject of public debate since he assumed office on May 29, 2023.

 

A Sunday PUNCH investigation published in May 2026 reported that Tinubu had embarked on 51 foreign trips during his first three years in office, spending about 261 days outside Nigeria and visiting at least 30 countries.

 

The investigation was based on officially announced presidential trips and available flight information.

 

The report also showed that Tinubu and Vice-President Kashim Shettima had collectively spent 344 days abroad during the first three years of the administration.

 

Earlier, another Sunday PUNCH analysis reported that the President and his deputy had spent 315 days outside the country in 69 trips across 35 countries within the first 33 months of the administration.

 

The figures have generated contrasting interpretations.

 

While critics have described the frequency of the travels as excessive, the Presidency has maintained that Tinubu’s international engagements are designed to promote Nigeria’s economic interests, attract foreign investment, strengthen bilateral relations and enhance the country’s diplomatic standing.

 

The administration has repeatedly argued that presidential diplomacy cannot be conducted exclusively from Abuja.

 

Why the latest trip is different

 

The controversy surrounding the latest trip, however, is largely about timing.

 

Tinubu’s departure came barely days after a major security crisis in Niger State, where hundreds of people were reportedly abducted in a mass kidnapping incident.

 

The incident renewed concerns about the worsening kidnapping epidemic across the country and the ability of security agencies to protect vulnerable communities.

 

A recent report by SBM Intelligence, cited by Reuters, estimated that 7,825 Nigerians were kidnapped between July 2025 and June 2026.

 

The report also estimated that 1,142 people were killed during the period and that kidnappers collected about $5.79m in ransom payments.

 

The figures underline the scale of the security challenge confronting the administration as Tinubu begins preparations for a second-term campaign.

 

For critics, the President’s decision to spend three weeks abroad against that backdrop sends the wrong message.

 

Atiku attacks President

 

Atiku Abubakar, the NDC presidential candidate, was among those who criticised the decision.

 

Atiku argued that the President’s absence was inappropriate at a time when Nigerians were contending with worsening insecurity and economic hardship.

 

The former Vice-President said the issue was not whether Tinubu was entitled to a holiday but whether such a lengthy foreign vacation was appropriate given the challenges facing the country.

 

He accused the President of abandoning a nation facing serious problems and described Nigeria as being in crisis.

 

The criticism was particularly significant because Atiku is one of the leading opposition politicians positioning himself for the 2027 presidential contest.

 

Activists join debate

 

Civil society activists have also questioned aspects of the administration’s leadership and the President’s foreign travels.

 

Human rights lawyer and activist Deji Adeyanju has been particularly vocal on issues of insecurity, governance and the welfare of Nigerians.

 

Adeyanju recently criticised the Federal Government over the security situation and flooding concerns in Abuja, urging the administration to demonstrate stronger leadership.

 

Another prominent activist, Aisha Yesufu, has previously criticised Tinubu over his foreign travels and the priorities of the administration.

 

Their interventions have contributed to a broader civil society argument that political leaders should remain more closely connected to the realities confronting ordinary Nigerians.

 

For many activists, the central issue is not the President’s constitutional right to take leave but the perception created when a President spends an extended period abroad while citizens at home confront insecurity, unemployment and rising living costs.

 

Presidency defends travels

 

The Presidency has consistently rejected the suggestion that Tinubu’s foreign trips amount to unnecessary journeys.

 

Government officials have repeatedly said the President’s travels are driven by national interests.

 

Tinubu has attended several high-level international meetings since assuming office, including engagements with global leaders, investors and international institutions.

 

His March 2026 state visit to the United Kingdom was particularly significant, being the first state visit by a Nigerian President to Britain since 1989.

 

The administration has also cited investment agreements and diplomatic engagements arising from Tinubu’s international trips as evidence that the journeys serve national objectives.

 

Former presidential spokesman Reuben Abati also recently defended Tinubu’s right to travel, arguing that the President was entitled to travel anywhere and that the criticism of his movement risked becoming excessive.

 

But Nigerians want results

 

Despite the official defence, the controversy has refused to disappear.

 

For ordinary Nigerians, the question is increasingly about the relationship between presidential travels and tangible improvements in their daily lives.

 

The President came into office promising to undertake bold economic reforms.

 

His administration removed the petrol subsidy and liberalised the foreign exchange market, arguing that the measures were necessary to address structural weaknesses in the economy.

 

While the government has highlighted improved macroeconomic indicators and increased investor confidence, Nigerians continue to complain about high food prices, transportation costs, electricity tariffs, housing expenses and declining purchasing power.

 

The World Bank and other international institutions have acknowledged some improvements in Nigeria’s macroeconomic position while also warning about the continuing impact of inflation and poverty on households.

 

This disconnect between macroeconomic indicators and household realities has become one of the administration’s biggest political vulnerabilities.

 

The cost of presidential travel

 

The financial cost of presidential movements has also featured prominently in the debate.

 

A recent report put Presidency travel-related expenditure between June 2023 and April 2026 at N37.64bn.

 

The figure has attracted criticism from Nigerians who argue that public resources should be deployed more aggressively towards security, healthcare, education, infrastructure and poverty reduction.

 

Government officials, however, have not accepted the argument that the expenditure should be viewed simply as waste.

 

Presidential movements require security, logistics, aircraft operations, accommodation and diplomatic arrangements, while some trips involve large official delegations.

 

The question therefore remains whether the expenditure produces commensurate economic and diplomatic returns.

 

Leave is constitutional

 

Legally, there is little controversy over the President proceeding on annual leave.

 

Section 145 of the 1999 Constitution provides for the President to transmit a written declaration to the Senate President and Speaker of the House of Representatives when proceeding on vacation or otherwise unable to discharge his functions.

 

The Vice-President then performs the functions of President in an acting capacity until the President resumes those functions.

 

Thus, Nigeria’s constitutional system does not require the President to remain physically within the country throughout his tenure.

 

The argument against Tinubu’s latest trip is therefore not fundamentally a constitutional one. It is political.

 

The 2027 factor

 

The timing of the vacation also has significance because Nigeria has effectively entered the 2027 political cycle.

 

The Independent National Electoral Commission lifted the ban on political campaigns on August 19, paving the way for open mobilisation by political parties and candidates.

 

Tinubu’s administration will now face increasing scrutiny over its record as opposition parties seek to turn insecurity, economic hardship and governance into major campaign issues.

 

The President’s supporters are expected to highlight what they describe as the administration’s economic reforms, infrastructure projects, increased revenue generation and efforts to reposition Nigeria.

 

The opposition, meanwhile, is likely to focus on insecurity, poverty, unemployment, inflation and the cost of governance.

 

Tinubu’s foreign travels could therefore become part of the opposition’s wider campaign narrative.

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Caribbean states seek stronger regional aviation safety oversight

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Caribbean states seek stronger regional aviation safety oversight

 

More than 70 Caribbean aviation stakeholders have called for deeper regional cooperation and pooled technical expertise to strengthen aviation safety oversight across the region.

 

The call was made on Thursday at a one-day high-level symposium convened by the Caribbean Community Secretariat in collaboration with the International Civil Aviation Organisation and hosted by the Government of Guyana and the Guyana Civil Aviation Authority at the Arthur Chung Convention Centre.

 

The symposium, which focused on “Strengthening Caribbean Aviation Safety: Regional Cooperation, Resilient Oversight and Sustainable Capacity Development,” brought together ministers responsible for air transport and civil aviation, directors general of civil aviation authorities, government officials, regional institutions, international and development partners, and aviation industry representatives.

 

Participants said Caribbean states, particularly small administrations, face difficulties maintaining specialised technical expertise and resources needed to meet international aviation safety obligations.

 

They consequently emphasised the need to strengthen the Caribbean Aviation Safety and Security Oversight System, a CARICOM institution established to assist member states in meeting international standards that may be difficult for individual administrations to sustain.

 

The participants reviewed the draft CASSOS Roadmap and Action Matrix to 2035, which is expected to address the sustainability of civil aviation authorities, regulatory harmonisation, air transport services under the Multilateral Air Services Agreement, financing, timelines and mechanisms for monitoring implementation.

 

Strategic partners, including the International Civil Aviation Organisation, European Union Aviation Safety Agency, United States Federal Aviation Administration, Transport Canada and the United Kingdom, also shared perspectives on strengthening regional aviation safety cooperation.

 

Airlines, private-sector representatives and revenue authorities provided industry perspectives during the discussions.

 

Speakers at the opening session stressed that Caribbean states have the same international aviation obligations as much larger countries despite operating with smaller populations, markets and technical workforces.

 

They argued that regional cooperation would enable states to pool expertise and resources while retaining their individual responsibilities under international law.

 

One of the speakers said, “Our national civil aviation authorities face increasing regulatory demands, technological change, workforce constraints and financial pressures. For small administrations, these realities reinforce a fundamental truth — regional cooperation is indispensable.”

 

The symposium also noted the importance of aviation connectivity to Caribbean economies, particularly for tourism, trade, investment, emergency response and social integration.

 

“For small island and low-lying coastal developing states, connectivity is not a convenience, it is a necessity,” another speaker said.

 

Participants further noted that the Chicago Convention places ultimate responsibility for aviation safety oversight on individual sovereign states, while regional arrangements could strengthen rather than diminish that responsibility.

 

“Under the Chicago Convention, ultimate responsibility for safety oversight rests with each sovereign State. Yet regional arrangements do not diminish sovereignty; they reinforce it,” a speaker said.

 

The meeting was also told that effective aviation safety oversight depends not only on regulations and procedures but on the availability of adequately trained personnel with sufficient time and authority to implement them.

 

The stakeholders are expected to use the discussions to further develop the CASSOS roadmap towards 2035 and establish a more sustainable framework for regional aviation safety oversight.

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10-Year-Old Rainikemba Igbokwe Publishes First Book, Small Boy, Big God

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10-Year-Old Rainikemba Igbokwe Publishes First Book, Small Boy, Big God

 

A 10-year-old fifth-grade pupil, Rainikemba Igbokwe, has joined the growing community of young authors with the publication of his first book, Small Boy, Big God, a 47-page, 10-chapter inspirational work aimed at encouraging children to dream boldly and use their gifts positively.

 

The book, published on August 31, 2026, presents a faith-based message centred on the belief that age should not limit a child’s dreams, potential or capacity to make a meaningful contribution to society.

 

Rainikemba, who is passionate about writing, singing, dancing, playing and worshipping God, is described by his family as a child whose faith and desire to encourage others have shaped his early interest in writing.

 

In the book, the young author seeks to inspire children to believe in themselves, develop their talents, have faith and, most importantly, find the courage to begin pursuing their dreams regardless of their age.

 

Speaking about his inspiration, Rainikemba’s outlook is summed up in his simple choice of role model: “God.”

 

His parents, Mayor Lucky Igbokwe and Divine Maduike Igbokwe, described the publication as a significant milestone in their son’s development, expressing pride in seeing his passion for writing and faith translated into a published book.

 

For Mayor Lucky Igbokwe, the achievement represents more than the publication of a book.

 

He said it demonstrates what children can accomplish when their interests are recognised, encouraged and nurtured from an early age.

 

He said Rainikemba’s achievement should serve as encouragement to parents and families to pay attention to the abilities of their children and provide the support required for those talents to develop.

 

His mother, Divine Maduike Igbokwe, also expressed pride in her son’s accomplishment, describing the publication as a reflection of his love for God, writing and his desire to encourage other children.

 

She said the family was particularly encouraged by the message behind Small Boy, Big God, which seeks to remind children that their age does not determine the size of their dreams or the impact they can make.

 

The 47-page book contains 10 chapters and was published on August 31, 2026, marking what is expected to be the beginning of Rainikemba’s literary journey.

 

At just 10, the young author has already developed ambitions that extend beyond writing. He hopes to become a teacher, pastor and missionary, while also harbouring the dream of becoming President one day.

 

Those ambitions, according to his profile, are connected to his desire to teach, serve, inspire and positively influence other people.

 

Rainikemba’s interests also extend beyond books. He enjoys playing, singing and dancing, while worshipping God remains an important part of his daily life and personal identity.

 

His decision to identify God as his role model further reflects the central place of faith in his outlook and in the message of his debut publication.

 

Small Boy, Big God therefore seeks to speak directly to children who may believe that their age makes their dreams too ambitious or their voices too small to matter.

 

Through the book, Rainikemba encourages young readers to recognise their abilities, believe in themselves and take the first step towards their aspirations.

 

The publication also comes at a time when conversations around children’s literacy, creativity and early development increasingly emphasise the importance of giving young people opportunities to express themselves beyond the conventional classroom environment.

 

For Rainikemba, however, the achievement is personal. His first book provides an early expression of what he believes children can become when they are encouraged to dream, create and act on their convictions.

 

The young author hopes that his work will reach other children and encourage them to discover and use their own gifts.

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Trump’s Bomber Pullout: Iran Threat Tests US-UK Security Alliance

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Trump’s Bomber Pullout: Iran Threat Tests US-UK Security Alliance

 

By Boniface Ihiasota, Washington DC

 

The abrupt withdrawal of American B-1 bombers from RAF Fairford in Gloucestershire has transformed what initially appeared to be a routine military movement into a significant security development with wider implications for the United States, Britain and Iran.

 

President Donald Trump has now confirmed what Washington had initially declined to say publicly: the bombers were moved because of threats against the base.

 

“They didn’t fly out by accident,” Trump told reporters on Monday as he left the White House for Nebraska. “There were some threats.”

 

He said the United States knew the people behind the threat and later indicated that they were linked to Iran, although he did not identify the individuals or disclose the precise nature of the intelligence that triggered the withdrawal.

 

The Pentagon had announced on Sunday that all American bombers deployed to RAF Fairford had returned to their home stations in the United States. About a dozen B-1 aircraft were believed to have been at the Gloucestershire base.

 

The significance of the decision lies not merely in the aircraft that have left Britain, but in the security calculation behind their removal.

 

RAF Fairford has for decades served as an important forward operating location for the United States Air Force. In the current conflict with Iran, it became particularly valuable because of its ability to support long-range bomber operations from Europe.

 

The presence of the B-1s therefore gave Washington a strategically useful platform from which it could project air power towards the Middle East without relying entirely on bases much closer to the conflict.

 

Their sudden removal suggests that American commanders concluded that the risk of keeping such high-value aircraft at Fairford had become greater than the operational advantage of having them there.

 

The B-1 is not an aircraft that can simply be replaced by moving a few fighter jets onto another runway. It is a long-range bomber capable of carrying substantial weapons loads and conducting missions over considerable distances. Moving an entire bomber detachment therefore affects the speed and flexibility with which the United States can generate certain strike operations.

 

Defence analysts have consequently argued that the redeployment reduces Washington’s ability to rapidly surge bomber sorties against Iran, even though it does not remove the United States’ underlying ability to strike from other locations or directly from American territory.

 

The United States has not abandoned its military posture against Iran. The Pentagon stressed that its bomber force, including B-1s, B-2s and B-52s, remains capable of delivering precision global strikes, including missions launched from the continental United States.

 

What Washington has surrendered, at least temporarily, is a convenient European launch point. That is where the security incident at Fairford becomes more important.

 

On September 27, British authorities arrested five men near the base after receiving information about three suspicious vehicles heading towards the facility. A security cordon was established and bomb disposal teams examined the vehicles, while about 85 homes were evacuated as a precaution. The men were subsequently released on bail. A sixth suspect, a 25-year-old British-Iranian national, was later arrested and also released on bail.

 

No explosives were found in the vehicles, although police reportedly discovered petrol.

 

British authorities have continued to investigate possible foreign-state involvement. Prime Minister Andy Burnham said there were “strong indications” that Iran had played a part, while Counter Terrorism Policing said investigators were examining all possible lines of inquiry, including possible foreign-state involvement.

 

Tehran has denied involvement.

 

That denial is important because, at this stage, the available evidence does not establish publicly that the suspects arrested near Fairford were acting on direct orders from Tehran.

 

Yet the American concern appears to have gone beyond the arrests themselves.

 

US media reports have said American intelligence indicated that Iran could have been preparing a drone attack against the base. The reported objective was potentially to damage the expensive bombers and endanger American personnel. The Wall Street Journal reported that the intelligence pointed to a broader Iranian plan targeting the aircraft and US personnel at Fairford.

 

Neither Washington nor London has publicly released the intelligence behind that assessment. That leaves an important question: what exactly did the Americans believe was about to happen? The answer may lie in the changing character of modern warfare.

 

The traditional image of an attack on a military airbase involves missiles, aircraft or ground forces. But recent conflicts have demonstrated that relatively inexpensive drones can create vulnerabilities inside heavily protected military environments.

 

One example repeatedly cited in discussions surrounding the Fairford threat is Ukraine’s Operation Spiderweb in June 2025, when drones were covertly transported into Russia before being launched against military targets. The operation demonstrated how expensive aircraft could potentially be threatened not only by conventional military systems but by relatively cheap unmanned platforms introduced close to their targets.

 

A bomber sitting on a runway is enormously valuable. A sophisticated air-defence system may protect the perimeter, but it cannot eliminate every possibility of insider assistance, sabotage, covert drone deployment or an attack launched from nearby civilian territory.

 

That vulnerability becomes more serious when the aircraft are operating from a foreign country. Fairford is in the United Kingdom, not the United States. It is also situated in a populated area. That means Washington’s security calculations inevitably depend on British intelligence, policing and counter-terrorism capabilities.

 

The recent arrests therefore created a difficult situation for the US and UK. London has maintained that the base is secure. A No 10 spokesman pointed to Trump’s earlier praise for Britain’s police, defence and security services, while Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Washington retained full confidence in the security of its bases and praised British authorities for their cooperation.

 

But Trump’s comments introduced a different dimension. While Rubio described the movement of American military assets as something that can occur routinely because of rotations, exercises and redeployments, Trump directly linked the bomber movement to threats.

 

Vice-President JD Vance also described the decision as having been taken out of an “abundance of caution.”

 

The apparent difference in emphasis may reflect the competing requirements of diplomacy and military security.

 

Rubio’s formulation avoids publicly confirming intelligence that could reveal how the United States detected the threat or what it knows about its origin. Trump’s statement, meanwhile, communicates deterrence: Washington knows about the threat, knows who it believes is behind it and will not leave valuable military assets exposed simply to demonstrate resolve.

 

In that sense, moving the bombers can itself be viewed as a security message. It tells Iran, or any actor considering an attack, that the United States can alter its military posture without necessarily escalating immediately.

 

It also sends another message: American commanders are unwilling to allow a high-value weapons platform to become an easy target for an adversary seeking a symbolic victory.

 

For Iran, RAF Fairford is especially sensitive because the base has been used to support American military operations in the Middle East. Iranian officials have previously warned that bases used for attacks against Iranian territory could become legitimate targets.

 

That raises the possibility that the security threat around Fairford is part of a broader contest over the geography of the conflict.

 

If Iran cannot easily confront American bombers in the skies over the Middle East, it could seek to increase the cost of their deployment by threatening the infrastructure from which they operate.

 

The United States, however, has several options.

 

The bombers could be redeployed to American territory, the Gulf region or other overseas facilities, subject to available capacity, allied agreements and security considerations. Analysts have noted that locations such as Diego Garcia could provide alternative operating options, although each carries its own logistical and political complications.

 

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