The Economics of Terrorism in Nigeria, by Alabidun Shuaib AbdulRahman 

The Nigerian state has spent well over a decade chasing terrorists through forests, mountains and isolated villages. Thousands of soldiers have been deployed, billions of naira have been committed to military hardware, while countless gallant officers have paid the supreme price in the battle against Boko Haram, the Islamic State West Africa Province, ISWAP and other violent groups. Yet, amid these sacrifices, one question has remained unanswered: how do these terrorists continue to fund their operations despite sustained military offensives?

It is a question that has become increasingly difficult to ignore. Terrorism is not sustained by ideology alone. It thrives on money. Every attack carried out in Borno, Yobe, Adamawa, Kaduna, Niger or Zamfara is financed somewhere. Every rifle procured, every motorcycle purchased, every informant recruited and every explosive manufactured has a financial trail. The insurgent carrying an AK-47 in the bush is merely the visible face of a sophisticated financial network stretching from local collaborators to international facilitators.

This reality explains why the Federal Government has, over the last three years, shifted considerable attention from merely confronting terrorists on the battlefield to dismantling the financial ecosystem that keeps them alive. It is perhaps the least celebrated but arguably the most strategic aspect of Nigeria’s counter-terrorism policy.

The legal foundation had already been strengthened with the signing of the Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022, by former President Muhammadu Buhari. The legislation consolidated previous anti-terrorism laws, expanded the definition of terrorism financing, strengthened the powers of investigators and prosecutors, and established clearer procedures for freezing assets linked to terrorism. It also empowered the Nigeria Sanctions Committee to designate individuals and entities involved in financing terrorist activities.

President Bola Tinubu inherited this framework in May 2023 and, rather than allowing it to gather dust, has encouraged greater institutional coordination among the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), the Department of State Services (DSS), the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU) and the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). The emphasis has become unmistakable: if terrorists cannot access money, their operational capacity will gradually diminish.

The results are becoming evident as security agencies have intensified investigations into suspicious financial transactions, illicit cash movements, informal money transfer networks and businesses suspected of serving as conduits for terrorist funds. Financial institutions have come under greater pressure to report unusual transactions, while designated non-financial institutions have equally been subjected to stricter compliance requirements. The Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU) has become more proactive in analysing suspicious transaction reports and sharing intelligence with both domestic and international security agencies.

One of the strongest indications that Nigeria’s campaign has acquired an international dimension came with increased cooperation between Nigeria and foreign governments on terrorism financing investigations. The arrest of separatist agitator Simon Ekpa by Finnish authorities in November 2024 over allegations connected to terrorist activities demonstrated that financial and operational support for violent groups can no longer be viewed as purely domestic matters. International law enforcement agencies are increasingly collaborating to monitor financial flows across borders.

Equally significant has been Nigeria’s determination to improve its standing under the Financial Action Task Force, the global body responsible for setting standards against money laundering and terrorist financing. Nigeria’s inclusion on the FATF grey list in 2023 served as a diplomatic embarrassment and an economic warning that weaknesses in financial regulation could undermine investor confidence. Since then, the country has implemented several reforms aimed at strengthening anti-money laundering and counter-terrorism financing mechanisms. Those efforts culminated in Nigeria’s removal from the grey list in October 2025 after the FATF acknowledged substantial progress in addressing identified deficiencies.

That achievement deserves more public attention than it has received. Countries placed on the FATF grey list often face increased scrutiny by international banks, higher compliance costs for businesses and reduced investor confidence. Exiting the list therefore represents more than a diplomatic success; it signals growing confidence in Nigeria’s capacity to detect, investigate and disrupt illicit financial flows.

Yet, despite these gains, the challenge remains enormous because terrorism financing in Nigeria has become increasingly decentralised.

Gone are the days when insurgent groups depended almost exclusively on foreign sponsors. Boko Haram and ISWAP have developed self-sustaining financial models that resemble organised criminal enterprises. They generate revenue through kidnapping for ransom, illegal taxation of farming communities, cattle rustling, extortion of traders, smuggling, illegal mining, fishery activities around the Lake Chad Basin and cross-border commercial transactions. Some communities living under insurgent control reportedly pay levies not because they support terrorism but because survival demands compliance.

This evolution has complicated the work of security agencies. Financial transactions supporting terrorism are no longer confined to formal banking channels. Cash dominates rural economies where banking infrastructure remains weak. Informal value transfer systems operate outside conventional financial regulations, while technological innovations have introduced new risks associated with digital assets and online financial platforms.

The uncomfortable truth is that terrorism survives not only because of hardened extremists but also because ordinary citizens sometimes become willing collaborators. Transport operators who knowingly move weapons, traders who supply logistics to insurgents, businessmen who facilitate illicit financial transfers and corrupt officials who compromise security operations all become silent partners in sustaining violence. Their motivations are often economic rather than ideological, yet the consequences remain equally devastating.

It is here that Nigeria’s counter-terrorism strategy must become even more courageous.

Arrests alone cannot substitute for successful prosecutions. Nigerians have witnessed numerous announcements of suspects apprehended for alleged terrorism financing, only for many cases to disappear into the slow wheels of the justice system. The deterrent value of arrest diminishes significantly when prosecution is uncertain or endlessly delayed. The judiciary must therefore recognise terrorism financing cases as matters requiring exceptional urgency.

Another area demanding greater attention is border security. Nigeria shares long and porous borders with Niger, Chad, Cameroon and Benin Republic. These frontiers have facilitated not only the movement of fighters but also the trafficking of cash, fuel, livestock, food supplies and weapons. Effective border management requires stronger intelligence sharing, modern surveillance technology and closer collaboration with neighbouring countries.

Political neutrality is equally indispensable. Counter-terror financing cannot become selective depending on the influence, ethnicity, religion or political affiliation of suspects. Once credible evidence exists, investigations should proceed without fear or favour. Nothing undermines public confidence more than the perception that powerful individuals enjoy immunity while less influential suspects face the full weight of the law.

There is also the question of financial literacy within vulnerable communities. Many Nigerians remain unaware that seemingly harmless commercial activities can inadvertently support terrorist operations. Accepting suspicious payments, facilitating anonymous cash transfers or ignoring reporting obligations may ultimately strengthen violent organisations. Public education must therefore become an integral component of national security policy.

Equally important is economic development. Terrorist organisations flourish where legitimate economic opportunities disappear. Unemployment, illiteracy, weak governance and chronic poverty create fertile recruiting grounds for extremist groups. Countering terrorism financing must therefore go beyond freezing bank accounts to expanding access to education, agriculture, infrastructure, healthcare and youth employment. A young man earning a decent livelihood is far less susceptible to recruitment by insurgent organisations promising quick financial rewards.

Perhaps the greatest lesson from Nigeria’s experience over the last three years is that modern terrorism is sustained less by ideology than by economics. Terrorists may preach religion, ethnicity or political grievances, but they cannot wage war without money. Every disrupted financial transaction, every frozen asset, every suspicious transfer intercepted and every financier successfully prosecuted weakens the operational capability of violent groups far more quietly than military offensives ever could.

The war against terrorism will not be won solely on the battlefield. It will also be won inside banks, courtrooms, intelligence centres, border posts, regulatory agencies and financial institutions. Soldiers may neutralise terrorists, but investigators who follow the money prevent the next generation of attacks.

Nigeria has made commendable progress in recognising this reality. The challenge now is consistency. Financial investigations must become more sophisticated, prosecutions more decisive, institutions more coordinated and political commitment more unwavering. Terrorism is ultimately an expensive business. The day Nigeria permanently cuts off the flow of money into the hands of violent extremists is the day the guns will begin to fall silent.

Alabidun is a media practitioner and can be reached via alabidungoldenson@gmail.com

Donald Trump at 80: Assessing His Impact on Africa and Africans, by Boniface Ihiasota 

On June 14, 2026, President Donald J. Trump marked his 80th birthday, becoming one of the most consequential and controversial figures in modern American political history. Born on June 14, 1946, in Queens, New York, Trump has served as both the 45th and 47th President of the United States, returning to office on January 20, 2025, after winning the 2024 presidential election.

As Africans and members of the global African diaspora reflect on Trump’s legacy at 80, opinions remain sharply divided. Yet beyond the political debates, there are measurable developments in his administrations that have had direct implications for Africa and Africans.

Perhaps the most significant Africa-related achievement associated with Trump’s current presidency is the United States-brokered peace agreement between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda. Signed in Washington, D.C., on June 27, 2025, the accord sought to end decades of instability and violence in eastern Congo, a conflict that has claimed millions of lives and displaced countless families across Central Africa.

The agreement involved key African leaders, including Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame, with mediation support from U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and presidential envoy Massad Boulos.

For many Africans, the significance of this diplomatic intervention cannot be understated. For over three decades, eastern Congo has remained one of the world’s deadliest conflict zones. While the long-term success of the peace accord will ultimately depend on implementation by the parties involved, the willingness of the Trump administration to invest diplomatic capital in resolving an African conflict represented a notable moment in U.S.-Africa relations.

Economic engagement has also featured prominently in Trump’s approach to Africa. Throughout both his first and second administrations, he emphasized private-sector investment over traditional aid models. His admirers argue that this philosophy encouraged a shift toward trade, entrepreneurship, infrastructure development and business partnerships rather than perpetual dependency on foreign assistance.

Several African governments welcomed greater American interest in strategic minerals, energy resources and manufacturing opportunities as competition intensified between the United States and China for influence on the continent.

Trump’s supporters further point to his administration’s emphasis on national sovereignty and bilateral partnerships. Many African leaders, particularly those advocating stronger national control over economic resources and immigration policies, found aspects of Trump’s political philosophy relatable. His “America First” doctrine, though designed for U.S. interests, sparked conversations across Africa about self-reliance, economic nationalism and the importance of prioritizing domestic development agendas.

For African entrepreneurs in the diaspora, Trump’s broader economic policies, including tax reforms during his first administration and deregulation efforts, were seen by some as creating a business environment that rewarded investment and wealth creation. African-owned businesses in the United States benefited from periods of economic expansion and lower corporate taxation, though economists continue to debate the overall impact of those policies.

Nevertheless, an honest assessment requires acknowledging that Trump’s relationship with Africa has not been without controversy. His immigration policies, visa restrictions and remarks about certain countries generated criticism across the continent and among African diaspora communities.

Critics argue that some policies negatively affected African students, professionals and families seeking opportunities in the United States. Others have questioned reductions in certain aid programmes and humanitarian initiatives.

Yet history often judges leaders not solely by rhetoric but by outcomes. At 80, Trump remains a central figure in global affairs. His role in facilitating the Congo-Rwanda peace process, his administration’s focus on trade and investment, and his influence on debates surrounding sovereignty and economic development have all left an imprint on Africa’s contemporary story.

As Africa continues its rise in the twenty-first century, the continent’s relationship with the United States will remain important regardless of who occupies the White House. Donald Trump’s eightieth birthday provides an opportunity not for partisan celebration or criticism alone, but for thoughtful reflection on a leader whose policies, decisions and diplomacy have shaped conversations far beyond America’s borders.

As Ilorin Sets the Pace Again, by Alabidun Shuaib AbdulRahman

When history is written about the evolution of Islamic leadership in Nigeria, the city of Ilorin will always occupy a prominent chapter. Long before modern political boundaries emerged, Ilorin had established itself as a citadel of Islamic scholarship, jurisprudence, learning and spiritual leadership. It is a city where the mosque and the madrasa are not merely institutions but foundations upon which communal life is built. It is therefore unsurprising that the emergence of a new Chief Imam in the ancient emirate has once again demonstrated why Ilorin remains a model of religious harmony, institutional continuity and leadership succession.

The emergence of Sheikh Muhammad Bashir Dasuki Imam Fulani as the 13th Chief Imam of Ilorin is one development that deserves attention beyond the confines of religious circles. It is a significant event in the history of the Ilorin Emirate, not simply because a new spiritual leader has assumed office, but because of the manner in which the transition occurred and what it says about the enduring character of a city that has, for generations, distinguished itself as a centre of Islamic scholarship, institutional stability and communal harmony.

As a proud son of the Ilorin Emirate, I find immense satisfaction in the events that have unfolded since the appointment of the new Chief Imam by the Emir of Ilorin, Maimartaba Sarkin Ilori, Alhaji (Dr.) Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari, CFR, on June 10, 2026. His appointment came after a rigorous selection process involving eminent Islamic scholars from across the emirate. Yet what has attracted even greater attention than the appointment itself is the remarkable atmosphere of consensus that has followed it. In an era when leadership transitions often generate disputes, litigation and factional rivalry, Ilorin has once again shown that established institutions, respect for tradition and commitment to collective interest can triumph over personal ambition

The new Chief Imam is not a stranger to either scholarship or the traditions of the emirate. At 42, Sheikh Dasuki comes from one of the most distinguished clerical lineages in Ilorin. He is the grandson of Sheikh Ibrahim Dasuki Imam Fulani Agaka, the eighth Chief Imam of Ilorin, and the son of Sheikh Maliki bn Dasuki Agaka, who also occupied the revered office.

Before his appointment, he founded Darul Bisharah Arabic and Islamic Studies in Egbejila and served as Imam at the Afusat Oloriegbe Memorial Mosque in Oko-Olowo. His academic credentials include studies at Al-Azhar University, Ahmadu Bello University and Al-Hikmah University. Such a blend of traditional and contemporary Islamic education reflects the very character of Ilorin itself.

Although the passing of his predecessor, Sheikh Muhammad Bashir Soliu, OON, on January 19, 2026, naturally created a vacuum. For forty-three years, beginning from 1983, he occupied one of the most revered religious positions in Northern Nigeria. His tenure was marked by scholarship, moderation and a commitment to preserving the religious heritage of the emirate. Many younger residents of Ilorin grew up knowing no other Chief Imam. His death therefore raised questions about succession and continuity.

Those concerns have since been answered in a manner that should make every son and daughter of the emirate proud.

Rather than generating division, the emergence of Sheikh Muhammad Bashir Dasuki Imam Fulani attracted widespread acceptance. What followed was even more remarkable. The new Chief Imam embarked on visits to leading Islamic scholars and respected clerics across Ilorin. From one part of the city to another, he met prominent religious leaders, sought their prayers and reaffirmed the spirit of brotherhood that has always defined Ilorin’s scholarly community. The responses were overwhelmingly positive. He was received warmly and embraced by scholars whose influence extends across the emirate and beyond. That development is important because it reflects a culture that has been carefully nurtured over centuries.

To appreciate its significance, one must understand what Ilorin represents within the broader Nigerian landscape. Ilorin is not merely the capital of Kwara State. It is one of the most important centres of Islamic learning in West Africa. Historically situated at the intersection of the Northern and Southwestern regions of Nigeria, the city evolved into a meeting point of cultures, languages and traditions. The result was the emergence of a distinct identity that combined Yoruba heritage, Fulani political organisation and Islamic intellectualism. The uniqueness can only be found in Ilorin.

This unique history explains why Ilorin occupies a special place in discussions about Islam in Nigeria. For generations, students travelled from different parts of the country and beyond to study under renowned scholars in the city. Arabic education flourished long before the arrival of formal Western education. Mosques, learning centres and scholarly families became central institutions within society.

The city produced respected scholars whose influence reached far beyond the emirate. The late Sheikh Adam Abdullah Al-Ilory became one of the most influential Islamic scholars of his generation. Sheikh Kamaludeen Al-Adaby pioneered modern approaches to Islamic education. Numerous scholars from Ilorin established schools, wrote books and trained generations of students who later became religious leaders across Nigeria and other parts of West Africa.

The office of Chief Imam has always occupied a central place within this tradition. Successive holders of the office provided spiritual guidance while helping to preserve the intellectual and moral foundations upon which the emirate was built. The institution has survived political transitions, colonial rule, independence and modernisation because it enjoys legitimacy rooted in scholarship and public confidence.

The new Chief Imam himself embodies many aspects of that tradition. Born into a distinguished family of scholars. His emergence therefore represents both continuity and renewal. He inherits a respected institution but also assumes office at a time when religious leadership faces new challenges. The growth of social media, the spread of misinformation among young scholars, declining interest in serious scholarship and increasing pressures on traditional institutions require thoughtful leadership and intellectual depth.

His inaugural khutbah on June 19, 2026, offered some indication of the direction he intends to pursue, having said “I am not perfect. Whenever you see me going astray, do not hesitate to call me back to the right path. Your support, prayers, and cooperation will make my assignment as Chief Imam easier and more successful.” This is thought provoking if I may say.

Those present at the Ilorin Central Mosque observed a recurring emphasis on gratitude to Allah, unity among Muslims, respect for knowledge and the responsibilities associated with leadership. He acknowledged the contributions of his predecessors and stressed the need for cooperation among scholars and members of the community. It is important that this spirit is sustained.

The goodwill that greeted his appointment should become the foundation for a new phase in the development of Islamic scholarship within the emirate. The city already possesses enormous intellectual capital. What is required now is greater investment in preserving historical records, strengthening Arabic education, mentoring younger scholars and ensuring that the traditions of Ilorin remain relevant to contemporary realities.

The preservation of history deserves urgent attention. One of the greatest ironies of Ilorin is that despite its enormous contribution to Islamic civilisation in Nigeria, much of its history remains undocumented. Stories of great scholars, jurists, teachers and community leaders are still preserved largely through oral tradition. The names are known, the achievements remembered, but the records are scattered. Future generations deserve better. A city that produced scholars whose influence reached Saudi, Cairo, Dakar, Khartoum, Mali, Sudan and beyond cannot afford to leave its history at the mercy of memory alone.

This is where the new Chief Imam, the Emirate Council, traditional title holders, Islamic institutions and wealthy sons and daughters of the emirate must find common purpose. The task before them is not merely religious. It is civilisational. The heritage of Ilorin deserves preservation. Its manuscripts deserve protection. Its scholarly traditions deserve documentation. Its intellectual contributions deserve wider recognition.

The scholars of Ilorin also have a responsibility at this critical moment. The city has always been respected because of the quality of its scholarship. Respect was earned through knowledge, discipline, humility and service. The scholars who built the reputation of Ilorin were not men who sought popularity. They sought learning. They did not measure success by applause but by impact. They did not compete for influence on social media platforms. They competed in knowledge, character and service to Islam. That tradition must not be lost.

The challenge facing contemporary scholarship is different from what previous generations confronted. Today, information travels faster than knowledge. Visibility is often mistaken for scholarship. Opinions sometimes compete with learning. Yet the answer remains what it has always been: sound education, intellectual discipline and adherence to the values that distinguished the giants who came before us. If Ilorin is to retain its standing as a centre of learning, its scholars must continue to prioritise substance over popularity and scholarship over sensationalism.

The new Chief Imam himself appears conscious of these realities. Perhaps this explains why one of the most remarkable moments in his inaugural khutbah was his humility. The expectations surrounding his appointment are understandably high. He inherits an office that carries enormous moral authority.

As Sheikh Muhammad Bashir Dasuki Imam Fulani settles fully into his responsibilities, one can only pray that Allaah grants him wisdom, patience, sound health and the strength required for the enormous task ahead. May Allaah guide his judgments, illuminate his path, increase him in knowledge and make him an instrument of unity within the emirate and the wider Muslim community.

May Allaah also preserve the Emir of Ilorin, Alhaji (Dr.) Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari, CFR, whose reign has continued to strengthen the institutions of the emirate. May He preserve the scholars of Ilorin, bless their efforts and reward their sacrifices. May He continue to make Ilorin a beacon of learning, moderation and spiritual excellence for generations yet unborn.

For those of us who call this city home, whether by birth, ancestry or affection, may Allaah be with us in all ramifications.

Alabidun is a media practitioner and can be reached via alabidungoldenson@gmail.com