Rubio Reveals Late-Night Calls, Says No ‘Typical Day’ as US Security Chief

By Boniface Ihiasota, Washington DC

US Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, has revealed that the demands of his diplomatic and national security responsibilities sometimes require him to wake up as early as 2:30am to respond to developments around the world.

Rubio, who also serves as the US national security adviser, said the nature of international affairs had made it difficult to maintain a conventional work schedule, noting that crises and important developments could emerge at any hour.

He spoke during an interview with Katie Miller on The Katie Miller Podcast at the US State Department in Washington, DC, on Tuesday.

According to Rubio, his daily schedule varies depending on global developments, with some early-morning calls involving foreign leaders or classified briefings.

“Every day is different,” Rubio said, explaining that “wake up in the morning” could sometimes mean 2:30am when an international development required his attention.

He said some calls were made simply to direct him to a classified telephone so that he could receive sensitive information about an unfolding situation.

Rubio added that his responsibilities had kept him particularly busy on the national security front, including developments involving Iran and other international matters.

“There is really no slow time when it comes to national – international affairs,” he said.

Describing his normal working routine when circumstances permit, Rubio said he usually starts his day at the State Department before moving to the White House around noon.

He said he also participated in calls between US President Donald Trump and foreign leaders, some of which could begin as early as 7am.

Rubio said Trump’s own schedule was equally demanding, describing the President as someone who worked “every day, all day.”

He added that weekends were generally slower but did not necessarily provide a complete break from international affairs.

Rubio’s wife, Jeanette, who joined him during the podcast interview, said she usually remained asleep when his phone rang during the night.

“He gets up when he needs,” she said, explaining that Rubio would move to another room to handle late-night calls.

The former Florida senator also disclosed that his family arrangements had changed since he became Secretary of State.

Jeanette had previously remained in Florida while Rubio served in the US Senate because the couple wanted to maintain stability for their four children.

She said their children had since graduated from high school and were attending universities, allowing her to participate more actively in Rubio’s official engagements in Washington.

The couple also spoke about their family life, with Jeanette describing Rubio as a playful father who often pranked their children when they were younger.

Rubio said the demands of his current positions had made him appreciate family moments more, noting that every stage of life eventually became a cherished memory.

He said the experience had taught him to appreciate the present because “that moment’s not going to come back.”

Adeleke’s Osun Victory: What It Means for Nigeria’s 2027 Elections

By Alabidun Shuaib AbdulRahman, Abuja, Nigeria

The re-election of Osun State Governor, Ademola Adeleke, has delivered more than a second term for the incumbent. It has produced a political signal that parties, presidential aspirants and strategists preparing for the 2027 general elections cannot afford to ignore.

Adeleke’s victory on the platform of the Accord Party is particularly significant because it came against a combination of political, institutional and structural obstacles. He defeated the candidate of the ruling All Progressives Congress, Bola Oyebamiji, by 511,067 votes to 444,815, a margin of 66,252 votes. The governor won 19 of the state’s 30 local government areas, while the APC candidate won 11.

The result is, therefore, not simply another off-cycle governorship election. It is a warning against assuming that control of the Federal Government automatically translates into electoral dominance at the state level.

A victory against formidable odds

Perhaps the most striking feature of Adeleke’s victory was the platform on which he contested.

The governor won his first term in 2022 under the Peoples Democratic Party but eventually left the party and contested his re-election under the Accord Party. That was a considerable political gamble. The PDP had historically been an important platform in Osun, while Accord had no comparable electoral weight in the state.

Yet Adeleke transformed what could have been a political liability into an electoral vehicle.

His victory also followed months of political uncertainty surrounding the Accord Party. In June, a Federal High Court judgment deregistering the party created questions about whether Adeleke would be able to contest on its platform. The governor’s camp rejected the development and pursued legal remedies, insisting that the party would remain on the ballot.

That episode demonstrated an important feature of Nigerian politics: electoral machinery is not necessarily the same thing as political popularity.

A party may have a weak national structure but become electorally formidable when a popular incumbent or candidate, political organisation and grassroots network are placed behind it.

Adeleke’s campaign also had to contend with the internal crisis within the PDP. The party’s Osun structure was embroiled in a leadership dispute over support for the governor’s re-election, with rival factions issuing conflicting directives.

Instead of allowing those problems to consume his campaign, Adeleke effectively built his own political structure around the election.

That may ultimately prove to be one of the most important lessons from Osun.

Federal might is not enough

The election also carries a message for the APC.

The party controls the Federal Government, but that advantage did not translate into victory in Osun.

For months, Adeleke and his supporters had warned against attempts to deploy federal institutions for partisan advantage. The governor specifically argued that federal power should be used for governance rather than electoral manipulation.

The significance of that argument became even greater when the EFCC froze an account belonging to the Osun State Government shortly before the election. The development generated political controversy and became another issue around which the election was contested.

Regardless of the competing arguments surrounding the action, the political lesson is clear: the closer an election gets, the more sensitive the public becomes to the actions of federal institutions.

For the APC, the Osun result should therefore trigger serious introspection ahead of 2027.

Federal incumbency gives a party enormous resources and visibility, but voters ultimately retain the power to separate federal politics from state politics.

Adeleke has also changed the South-West equation

Osun has traditionally been an important component of the South-West political equation.

The APC’s dominance in much of the region has often created the impression that the party possesses an almost automatic electoral advantage there. But Adeleke’s victory shows that the South-West remains politically competitive.

The governor did not merely defeat the APC. He did so after changing parties and without relying on the traditional strength of the PDP structure.

That raises a crucial question ahead of 2027: Can opposition politicians build electoral coalitions that transcend party labels? The Osun experience suggests that they can.

A popular candidate with an effective grassroots organisation can potentially survive the weakness of his party if voters are sufficiently convinced about his personal record, political identity and campaign message.

This could become particularly important in 2027, when the presidential contest is expected to be shaped not only by party structures but also by alliances, defections and personality-driven campaigns.

A message for Tinubu and the APC

Interestingly, Adeleke has publicly backed President Bola Tinubu for the 2027 presidential election despite being outside the APC. The development was reported in March and the governor reaffirmed his support for Tinubu’s re-election bid again immediately after he was announced.

That creates an unusual political configuration.

Adeleke has defeated Tinubu’s party in a governorship election but has simultaneously expressed support for Tinubu’s presidential ambition.

This demonstrates that Nigerian electoral politics is becoming increasingly transactional and candidate-driven. State-level contests may not necessarily reproduce presidential alliances.

In other words, a governor can oppose the President’s party in a state election without necessarily opposing the President at the national level.

That distinction will matter enormously in 2027.

If similar arrangements emerge across the country, the presidential election could produce alliances that cut across conventional party boundaries.

The PDP should be worried — but not entirely defeated

The outcome is also a complicated development for the PDP.

On one hand, the party can point to the fact that a governor who won his first term under its platform has retained his seat. On the other hand, Adeleke did not win under the PDP. He won under Accord. That distinction should worry the opposition party.

If popular politicians begin to believe that they can win elections by creating alternative platforms rather than depending on established parties, the traditional political parties may lose some of their bargaining power.

The PDP’s internal crisis in Osun before the election only reinforces the problem.

For the party to remain competitive in 2027, it must address its factional disputes, candidate-selection problems and leadership disagreements. Otherwise, politicians may increasingly seek alternative platforms.

The real winner: the voter?

There is another dimension to the Osun result that deserves attention.

Adeleke’s victory came in an election involving 15 political parties and more than one million accredited voters. The final result showed a competitive contest rather than a one-sided political coronation.

Adeleke secured 511,067 votes, while Oyebamiji of APC obtained 444,815.

The 66,252-vote margin is substantial, but it is not overwhelming when placed against the size of the electorate.

That means the APC cannot dismiss the result as an insignificant defeat, just as Adeleke cannot interpret it as an unlimited mandate.

The governor has won another four years, but the election has demonstrated that a sizeable portion of Osun voters still preferred the opposition candidate. The lesson for 2027 is that every serious vote will matter.

What Osun tells us about 2027

The first major lesson is that incumbency remains powerful, but it is not invincible. Adeleke used the advantages of incumbency, his administration’s record and his personal popularity to overcome a major party disadvantage.

Second, party affiliations may become less important than candidates and coalitions.

The Accord Party’s victory in Osun is particularly instructive because it demonstrates that a relatively small political platform can become competitive when attached to a sitting governor with a strong electoral base.

Third, internal party crisis can cost elections.

The PDP’s troubles and the APC’s inability to convert its federal dominance into a state victory should serve as warnings to the major parties.

Fourth, the South-West should not be treated as a political monolith.

The region will remain central to the 2027 presidential contest, but Osun has demonstrated that voters can make different choices at different electoral levels.

Finally, the credibility of electoral institutions will be critical.

The controversies preceding the election, including the dispute over Accord’s legal status and concerns surrounding political and security developments, underline the importance of INEC and security agencies maintaining public confidence. Although President Tinubu had charged security chiefs to ensure maximum security and urged INEC to guarantee a free and fair election.

The bigger political warning

Adeleke’s second-term victory should not be interpreted as a prediction that the APC will lose the 2027 presidential election. That would be an overstatement. Neither should it be interpreted as proof that opposition parties have suddenly become stronger than the ruling party.

What Osun has done is more important: it has challenged the assumption that electoral outcomes can be predetermined by party dominance, federal power or political calculations made in Abuja.

The 2027 election will ultimately be decided state by state, ward by ward and polling unit by polling unit.

The Osun electorate has shown that voters can reward an incumbent even when he changes political platforms and can reject a candidate backed by the dominant party.

For President Tinubu and the APC, the message is unmistakable: the 2027 election cannot be won by assuming that incumbency alone guarantees victory.

For the opposition, the lesson is equally sobering: Adeleke’s formula cannot simply be copied. A strong personality, an effective grassroots organisation, a credible campaign and a candidate capable of building alliances were all necessary.

The Osun election has therefore changed the political conversation ahead of 2027. Adeleke has secured another four years.

But perhaps his most important achievement is that, in defeating the political establishment in Osun, he has demonstrated that Nigeria’s next general election may be far more competitive, unpredictable and candidate-driven than many of the country’s political calculations currently suggest.

Five Years on the Throne: Reflecting on the Reign of the Olu of Warri, by Boniface Ihiasota

Five years ago, on August 21, 2021, history turned a new page in the ancient Warri Kingdom as Prince Utieyinoritsetsola Emiko was crowned the 21st Olu of Warri and assumed the royal title, Ogiame Atuwatse III. His coronation in Ode-Itsekiri, the ancestral home of the Itsekiri people in Delta State, was more than a colourful royal ceremony. It marked the beginning of a new chapter in the relationship between tradition, modern leadership and the aspirations of a people whose history stretches back centuries.

As the fifth anniversary approaches, the reign of Ogiame Atuwatse III offers an opportunity for reflection, particularly from the perspective of Nigerians in the diaspora. For those who live thousands of kilometres away from Warri, traditional institutions can sometimes appear distant, preserved mainly in photographs, ceremonies and memories. Yet the Olu’s reign has increasingly demonstrated how cultural leadership can remain relevant in a rapidly changing world.

Born in Warri on April 2, 1984, to the late Olu Atuwatse II, also known as Godwin Toritseju Emiko, and Olori Gladys Durorike Emiko, the monarch represents a blend of royal heritage and contemporary education. He attended NNPC Primary School in Warri and Adesoye College in Offa, Kwara State, before proceeding to Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland, Ohio, where he earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies and Political Science and later a master’s degree in Management.

That background matters. Ogiame Atuwatse III belongs to a generation of African traditional rulers who have had to navigate two worlds: the authority of inherited tradition and the demands of a modern, globally connected society. His years in the United States and subsequent professional experience in Nigeria gave him exposure to corporate institutions and international perspectives before destiny called him home to the throne.

His ascension was itself preceded by a period of uncertainty and controversy. Yet the eventual coronation brought together an impressive cross-section of Nigeria’s traditional and political establishment. Among those present were the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi; the Obi of Onitsha, Igwe Alfred Achebe; and the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland, Gani Adams.

For the Itsekiri, however, the significance of that day went beyond the presence of dignitaries. It was about continuity. The Olu of Warri is not merely a ceremonial figure. He occupies a central place in the cultural identity of the Itsekiri people, a community whose history is deeply connected to the Niger Delta, the waterways of Warri and the wider story of Nigeria’s interaction with the Atlantic world. The preservation of that identity becomes even more important as younger Itsekiri generations increasingly live outside Nigeria.

This is where the diaspora dimension becomes compelling. For an Itsekiri child growing up in London, Houston, Toronto, Johannesburg or elsewhere, the question is not simply who occupies the throne in Warri. It is whether the throne can continue to speak to a generation whose everyday experiences are shaped by different societies. A modern monarchy must therefore preserve language, customs, history and values while finding new ways to communicate with people who may be physically removed from the ancestral homeland.

Ogiame Atuwatse III’s reign has placed considerable emphasis on the idea that tradition need not be imprisoned in the past. The palace has continued to present Itsekiri culture and heritage as living institutions rather than museum pieces. The monarch’s official biography describes his reign as being anchored in righteousness, justice and the prosperity and wellbeing of the Itsekiri people.

His coronation speech also revealed an important element of his outlook. Reflecting on the difficult circumstances surrounding his emergence, the new Olu spoke of transformation, reconciliation and divine purpose. He described the moment as a new beginning for Iwere Kingdom, while invoking the rebuilding of what had been damaged.

Five years later, that message remains significant. The true measure of a traditional ruler is not the grandeur of a coronation, the splendour of royal regalia or the number of dignitaries who attend palace events. It is the ability to preserve the dignity of the institution while making it useful to the people it represents.

For Nigerians abroad, the fifth anniversary of Ogiame Atuwatse III should therefore be viewed not simply as a royal celebration, but as a reminder of the enduring power of heritage. In an age when migration can separate families from their ancestral homes for generations, institutions such as the Warri Kingdom provide an important cultural bridge between homeland and diaspora.

The fifth year of the reign is consequently both a celebration and an invitation to reflect. It asks what it means to inherit a centuries-old institution in the 21st century, and how that institution can remain relevant to a new generation.

On August 21, 2026, as the Itsekiri mark five years of Ogiame Atuwatse III on the throne, the celebration will inevitably look backward at history. But its greater significance may lie in looking forward—to a Warri Kingdom where tradition remains rooted, identity remains strong and the sons and daughters of Iwere, whether at home or abroad, continue to see the palace as part of their story.